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The results suggest that the incidence of homicide-suicide among police officers and their families is increasing. Almost all cases of police family homicide-suicide were committed with the police service firearm. Most of the information from murder-suicide studies showed that substance involvement in murder-suicide was about half that found in homicide alone. In the New Hampshire study, 31 percent of perpetrators tested positive for alcohol, 11 and 16 percent had a history of chronic alcoholism. Palermo et al. In England and Wales, Travis et al.
Malphurs and Cohen 21 found in a study of older perpetrators of murder-suicide that only 15 percent had alcohol in their urine, equal to the percentage in those committing suicide alone. In studying filicide-suicides, Friedman et al. The authors commented, however, that this rate was most likely an underestimate, because the presence or absence of drugs and alcohol was not always reported by the medical examiner. While past behavior can be a helpful indicator of future behavior, the perpetrators of murder-suicide usually had a low rate of criminal behavior.
In their filicide-suicide study, Friedman et al.
In the Florida study of older perpetrators of murder-suicide, Malphurs and Cohen 21 compared two different populations and found that older couples in southeast Florida were five times as likely to be involved in a lawsuit or criminal behavior than were older couples in west central Florida. Full-time employment was not protective of murder-suicides. In the filicide-suicide study, 17 30 percent of the mothers and 90 percent of the fathers were employed. A common contributing factor found in most studies was estrangement.
In a study in central Virginia, Hannah et al. In the New Hampshire study, Campanelli and Gilson 11 found that only 31 percent of the pairs involved occupied the same home at the time of the murder-suicide. The overwhelming weapon of choice of the perpetrator of a murder-suicide was a firearm. In the newspaper surveillance study, Malphurs and Cohen 8 found that The New Hampshire study 11 showed that 75 percent killed with firearms.
In the Oklahoma study, 12 In their study of older people in Florida, Malphurs and Cohen 21 reported that percent of the incidents involved firearms. Friedman et al. They found that the number of murder-suicides involving firearms decreased to 16 percent, but the overall murder-suicide rate remained constant. In almost all murder-suicides of which most were between intimate partners the victims were female.
Campanelli and Gilson 11 showed that 88 percent of the victims in their New Hampshire survey were female. In several studies, the authors commented that the person who knew the perpetrator best was killed, and therefore it would have been difficult to perform a psychological autopsy. Most authors agree that depression was the leading diagnosis found in murder-suicide perpetrators.
As noted herein, recent separation or impending divorce was often a major contributing factor, and Palermo et al. Campanelli and Gilson 11 found in New Hampshire that 38 percent of those who committed murder-suicide were depressed. Rosenbaum 22 found that most murder-suicide perpetrators had depression, whereas none of the homicide-only sample in his study did.
Malphurs and Cohen, 21 in the study of spousal homicide-suicide in older persons, determined that 65 percent of murder-suicide perpetrators were depressed. On autopsy, none of them tested positive for antidepressants. The authors further found that many of the perpetrators had been prescribed benzodiazepines by their primary care physicians. In a study of homicide-suicide in older persons, Cohen et al. In cases of murder-suicide, only two of the perpetrators tested positive for antidepressants.
In the filicide-suicide study 17 more than 80 percent of the parents had a history of psychiatric problems, and 57 percent were depressed. Although domestic violence is common in filicide alone, only 15 percent of fathers and 30 percent of mothers had a history of committing physical abuse.
Rosenbaum 22 found that a history of physical abuse and frequent separations was a risk factor for murder-suicide. Malphurs and Cohen 21 noted when comparing murder-suicide perpetrators to suicide-alone control subjects that 25 percent of the murder-suicide perpetrators had a history of domestic violence compared with only 5 percent of the control subjects. Oddly, the marital relationships of the murder-suicide couples were described overall as being closer than those of couples in which one partner committed suicide alone. The Oklahoma study 12 determined that 9.
How do risk factors for murder-suicide differ from risk factors for suicide or homicide alone? Murder-suicide was disproportionately perpetrated by males. Many of the studies had percent male perpetrators, 10 , 13 , 16 , 21 and the others were close to it.wellstattorisnejaf.gq
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Females committed almost half of the spousal homicides, yet they very rarely committed murder-suicide. Murder-suicide perpetrators are usually older than those committing homicide alone. Murder-suicide and homicide and suicide perpetrators had some factors in common.
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Perpetrators of murder-suicide and suicide alone had high levels of depression and low levels of antidepressant treatment. In most, their emotional state at the time of the events was exacerbated by using substances. The weapon of choice was frequently a gun, and having access to one was a risk factor for all three types of occurrence.
The review showed murder-suicide as a rare event that shares characteristics with both homicide and suicide but has some distinct characteristics. Studies show a relatively constant rate of occurrence that was unrelated to the overall rate of homicides or suicides. It does not seem that the incidence is increasing, although the coverage in the media of murder-suicide may be on the rise. Because murder-suicide is such a rare event, to screen for it is not feasible without many false positives.
However, the literature reveals some characteristics that may be helpful when performing a risk assessment. There are certain clinical presentations that should alert mental health professionals to be suspicious of the risk of possible murder-suicide: a middle-aged man who is recently separated or facing pending estrangement from his intimate partner and who is depressed and has access to firearms; or an older male who is the primary caregiver for a spouse who is ill or debilitated, where there is a recent onset of new illness in the male, depression, and access to firearms.
A risk assessment should include determining the chance of involvement not only in suicide and homicide, but also in murder-suicide as a perpetrator or a victim. NOTE: We only request your email address so that the person you are recommending the page to knows that you wanted them to see it, and that it is not junk mail. We do not capture any email address.
Skip to main content. Scott Eliason. Abstract There has been recent widespread media coverage of events that involve murder-suicide. Background As of , the incidence of murder-suicide in the United States and other western countries was shown to be stable throughout the previous 40 years. Results Incidence of Murder-Suicide In the following studies, various geographic locations and the overall murder-suicide rate were examined over a period more recent than the previously mentioned papers. View this table: View inline View popup. Sex Most murder-suicides are perpetrated by men.
Age Most studies reported that the mean age of perpetrators was 40 to 50 years. Police Families Violanti 19 studied homicide-suicides perpetrated by police officers against their families. Substance Use Most of the information from murder-suicide studies showed that substance involvement in murder-suicide was about half that found in homicide alone. Criminal History While past behavior can be a helpful indicator of future behavior, the perpetrators of murder-suicide usually had a low rate of criminal behavior.
Employment Full-time employment was not protective of murder-suicides. Divorce and Separation A common contributing factor found in most studies was estrangement. Weapon The overwhelming weapon of choice of the perpetrator of a murder-suicide was a firearm.
Sex of the Victim In almost all murder-suicides of which most were between intimate partners the victims were female. History of Mental Illness In several studies, the authors commented that the person who knew the perpetrator best was killed, and therefore it would have been difficult to perform a psychological autopsy.
- Murder-Suicide: A Review of the Recent Literature;
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History of Domestic Violence Although domestic violence is common in filicide alone, only 15 percent of fathers and 30 percent of mothers had a history of committing physical abuse. Comparison of Risk Factors How do risk factors for murder-suicide differ from risk factors for suicide or homicide alone? Conclusions The review showed murder-suicide as a rare event that shares characteristics with both homicide and suicide but has some distinct characteristics.
Accessed August 21, Hayes V: DA: aunt kills kids, self by walking into I traffic. January 18, Mortgage firm exec jumps to death; wife's body found home. Former student guns down 5 in attack at Northern Illinois University; kills self. JAMA : —83, Coid J: The epidemiology of abnormal homicide and murder followed by suicide. Psychol Med 13 : —60, London: Heinemann, Am J Forensic Med Pathol 23 : —8, Am J Forensic Med Pathol 19 : —83, Am J Forensic Med Pathol 15 : —73, Am J Forensic Med Pathol 23 : —51, Am J Forensic Med Pathol 26 : —35, Am J Psychiatry : —6, OpenUrl PubMed.
So next time I write in this diary Mother will be dead. How odd yet how pleasing. L ike those girls in Christchurch, Morgan and Anissa were drawn to each other because of loneliness. Each saw the other as an affirmation of her uniqueness; they shared a hidden, ritualised world. They had devoted themselves to an internet bogeyman. Like a fairytale monster, Slender Man emerged through a series of obscure clues, never fully visible.
He first appeared online, in the summer of , in two vague images that were quickly passed around horror and fantasy fan forums. In the first, dated , a horde of young teenagers streams out of a wooded area toward the camera, while behind them looms a tall and pale spectral figure with its hand outstretched. In the second photo, dated , we see a playground full of little girls, all about six or seven years old. In the foreground, one pauses to face the camera, smiling, as she climbs a slide; in the background, in the shade of a cluster of trees, others gather around a tall figure in a dark suit.
If you look closely, you can make out wavy arms or tentacles emanating from its back.
The game was to alter existing photographs using Photoshop, and then post them on other paranormal forums in an attempt to pass them off as the real thing. The monster was deliberately vague, his story almost completely open-ended — and so the internet rushed in to make of him what it wanted. And as the story spread, it quickly lost its point of origin, becoming instead the creative nexus for hundreds of thousands of users, of a dark, sprawling, real-time fairytale.
All that users knew at first was that Slender had the appearance of a lean man in a black suit, and there his humanoid features ended. He is unnaturally tall — sometimes as tall as 3. Occasionally, when he shows himself, a ring of long, grasping black tentacles, like supple branches, emerges from his back.
And he has a pronounced appetite for children. Like a gothic Pied Piper, he calls the children out and leads them away from their world, never to be seen again. And when he allows them to stay in their suburban homes, he infects them with the desire to kill, and the longing to be initiated into his darkest, innermost circle. M organ and Anissa, among the youngest members of the Slenderverse, were quickly consumed by the swirling, open-ended storyline.
They latched on to him as a source of private ritual, the linchpin of the occult universe they were building together. From the beginning, their friendship was forged by a kind of urgency. Anissa, in particular, suffered from bullying after recently transferring to their school a fact she kept from her parents and needed this months-old bond with Morgan to last.
Morgan and Anissa shared visions they claimed were tangible, hyper-realistic. Anissa told Morgan that she had seen him twice, in trees outside the window of the bus they shared to school. Just hours earlier, during their long trek to the Nicolet forest, the girls were convinced that they had caught a glimpse of him along the way — in the suburban woods, among the trees by the highway. They could hear the rustling of him following close by.
The crimes, in both Christchurch and Waukesha, were striking in their childishness. That morning, Morgan brought the knife with her in the way that she might have brought a wand to a Harry Potter movie screening. And perhaps she believed that she could perform magic with a toy — but that idea brought with it no real-world consequences. Playing with a knife, of course, did. When Anissa describes her nervousness as they approached the playground that morning, the detective asked what she was most nervous about. She had never done that before.
Pauline and Juliet continued to behave like immature girls, unaware of what was at stake, even after their arrest. A detective on the case quickly seized it as evidence. Once both girls were at the station, sharing a cell, they were placed on suicide watch, but they spent their first night so a police officer would later report gossiping in their bunk beds, unconcerned about their new environment. In a courtroom packed with spectators, Pauline and Juliet were out of sync with the tone of the proceedings.
Seated together in the dock, they appeared relaxed and indifferent, often whispering excitedly to each other and smiling. After her initial five-hour interview came to an end, Morgan, still without her parents, in clothes and slippers provided by the Waukesha police, was placed in the Washington County jail for juveniles. Anissa was there, too, but they were not allowed to interact. Morgan could have no visitors other than her parents, who were required to sit on the other side of a glass divider; only after a few months into her stay was she permitted to touch or hold them, and even then only twice a month.
She continued to have conversations with Slender Man, as well as characters from the Harry Potter series at one point, she claimed that Severus Snape kept her up until 3am ; she saw unicorns; she treated the ants in her cell like pets. In the autumn of that year, Morgan was moved to the Winnebago Mental Health Institute for a few months of hour observation, to determine if she had a chance of being competent enough to stand trial.
There, she was given a psychological evaluation that concluded she had early-onset schizophrenia — very rare for someone so young. By late , Morgan Geyser, who had been diagnosed with schizophrenia, was still not being treated for it. Her father, Matt, began his lifelong struggle with schizophrenia at 14 years old he receives government assistance due to his illness. She had shown no clear warning signs. In January , after 19 months without treatment, Morgan was finally committed to a state mental hospital and put on antipsychotic medication. By spring, her attorney claimed that her hallucinations were receding, and her condition was improving rapidly.
But in May of that year, after two years of incarceration, Morgan attempted to cut her arm with a broken pencil, and was placed on suicide watch. Late this September, Morgan accepted a plea bargain, agreeing to be placed in a mental institution indefinitely, thus avoiding the possibility of prison.
Just weeks earlier, Anissa had also accepted a deal, pleading guilty to the lesser charge of attempted second-degree homicide. A jury recommended she be sent to a mental hospital for at least three years. T he joint trial of Pauline Parker and Juliet Hulme also hinged on the question of their mental health. Were the girls delusional? Clinically paranoid?
Or had they been completely aware of the consequences of their actions and chosen to go ahead with their plan regardless? The crime was too sensational and the defence too exotic for the jury to be persuaded. They deliberated for a little over two hours before finding the girls guilty. Juliet got the worst of it. She was sent to Mt Eden prison in Auckland, notorious for its infestation of rats and its damp, cold cells particularly bad for an inmate who had recently suffered from TB.
Five months after the crime, Juliet remained unbowed, still immersed in literature and a vision of the great artist she could become. After five and a half years, both were released by order of the executive council, and each was able to start her life again, under an alias. Juliet Hulme, now Anne Perry, moved to England; using the shorthand she learned in prison, she got a job as a secretary.
When she was turned down for a visa her criminal history was hard to overlook , she began working as a steward for an airline that often flew to the US. One day, upon arriving in Los Angeles, she disembarked and never got back on the plane. She rented a lousy apartment, took on odd jobs and wrote regularly. By the time she was in her 30s, she had moved back to England and launched a career as a crime novelist. She has since published more than 50 novels, selling more than 25m books worldwide. She became Hilary Nathan, and eventually moved to a small village in south-east England.
After retiring, she gave riding lessons at her home.
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